The rule, exactly. Before an election each citizen chooses: to vote — or to take a payment and not vote in that election. The payment is a percentage of the median income, set by referendum; there is no fixed sum. One ballot is one vote, with no multiplier in the count; the vote is amplified only in that each ballot's share grows as others step out. The budget pays under law; a candidate never pays. Only a referendum of all citizens — simple majority, no quorum — introduces, changes or repeals the rule.
The protocol has been introduced nowhere and no pilot has been run: shares, turnout and outcome figures in the chapters are estimates, and the protocol promises nobody an election victory. If a chapter says otherwise, Exact Answers and the Charter are correct. For a candidate: ten questions and ten steps. For a citizen, a mayor, a finance officer, a donor, a journalist, a scholar, a lawyer: answers by role. Everything in force in one file: llms-full.txt.
40br. The Ten Most Common Propaganda Devices — and What the Protocol Does with Each¶
Chapter: 06 — The Structural Hypocrisy of Criticism and the Arsenal of the Elites File: 06_040br · v1 · 30 October 2026 Source: the architect's task of 30 October 2026 ("find the ten most common propaganda devices and how AB-EXIT solves or does not solve them") and his four moves on devices 5, 6, 8 and 9. Classifications: the seven "devices" of the Institute for Propaganda Analysis (Lee and Lee, 1937: name-calling, glittering generalities, transfer, testimonial, plain folks, card stacking, bandwagon); repetition as the illusory truth effect (Hasher, Goldstein and Toppino, 1977); the enemy image; the "firehose of falsehood" (Paul and Matthews, RAND, 2016). Pre-election bribery is added as the device by which propaganda is reinforced on polling day.
How to read. One yardstick for all ten: which state of the voter the device is aimed at — and whether that person stays in the hall under the protocol. The result first: all ten devices are aimed at a person to whom the act costs nothing and who does not check; the protocol puts a price on the act, and that person leaves the hall by himself, with the money. Eight devices are closed directly, two by the composition of the hall.
1. The table¶
| No. | Device | How it works | Whom it is aimed at | What the protocol does | Result |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Repetition ("a lie repeated many times") | frequency replaces checking; the illusory truth effect | the one who has time for the feed and no number of his own to compare against | against the repeated lie, a number repeated every day: the counter (048m art. 9) and the sum on the card arrive in the same home with money (057h §2.4) | closed |
| 2 | Fear and the enemy image ("a conspiracy all around", "no him, no country") | rallying against a threat switches off counting | the short horizon: the frightened man votes "so that it does not get worse" | the one for whom fear is the only argument takes D and leaves by himself; the stayer has a number that fear does not change (057h §2.4, deepfakes; 016) | closed |
| 3 | Pre-election bribery (targeted packages, indexation, "helicopter money") | the vote is bought covertly, without ceiling or receipt | the budget-dependent, the brought-in | an open price with a ceiling and a receipt makes covert buying pointless: a package is unnecessary for one who can take D and does not work on one who refused D (1g; 040bm §2; 057h §2.6) | closed |
| 4 | Bandwagon (80 % turnout, "the people are united") | a false majority as an argument | the waverer who votes with the majority | the three states of art. 10 show the real majority: how many took, how many stayed; turnout cannot be painted — the money is paid or it is not (048i) | closed |
| 5 | No alternative ("don't change horses midstream", "who, if not him") | remove the comparison | the one who does not compare | The architect's move: "It is important to separate two cases. If alternative candidates still exist, then with a large number of takers the alternative gets a real chance of winning; and it is visible that not everyone is for the government, because many took the money. But if there is no alternative candidate, taking the money is equivalent to 'I vote against all'. And that is the line every dictatorship or autocracy tries to remove from the ballot — and does so easily, because there is no difference between voting against all and not coming, and the people agree to the deletion." Choice B is an "against all" line that cannot be deleted: a payment with a receipt, not a line, and by art. 10 the taker is separated from the non-attender (1g) | closed |
| 6 | Name-calling ("foreign agent", "extremist", "fifth column") | replace the argument with a name | the viewer who takes the name for a fact | The architect's move: "labels are needed to defame people in the eyes of the apathetic — but they have left." A label works on the viewer, not on the victim; if the viewer has left the hall, there is nobody to stick it for. On the rule itself a label does not stick: money to the citizen from his own taxes cannot be called a conspiracy (059l §8b) | closed |
| 7 | Glittering generalities ("stability", "traditional values", "sovereignty") | a word without content instead of a programme | the one who does not ask the price of a word | the hall that paid D asks the price: departments, costs, a number (019c §6k); a word without a number is not bought by one who has just refused a number | by the hall's composition |
| 8 | Testimonial (the appointed professor, the "academician", "doctors are for") | transfer of trust from a person to a thesis | the one who does not check | The architect's move: "false authorities are needed only by the apathetic and the quiet ones; people who think even a little will not even listen to these appointed authorities; the protocol wipes these fake academicians and political scientists almost to zero." The appointed authority's audience leaves with the money; for the stayer the authority is the one who counts better, not the one who was appointed (048i: the counter is checkable by everyone) | closed for the appointed |
| 9 | Card stacking (selection of facts, omission, agenda) | tell the truth, but not all of it | the one who watches a single source | The architect's move: "the apathetic do not check the whole truth, while those who did not take the money will switch on a VPN, check three or more sources and make a more weighed decision; card stacking is caught very quickly and simply." The stayer paid D for his vote and checks, because the cost of error has become personal; checking takes minutes, omission is caught by comparing sources (056f §13i: "where is my share" cannot be silenced) | closed |
| 10 | The firehose of falsehood (many channels, fast, without consistency) | drown checking in volume | the one who tires of checking | the one whom the firehose has tired into apathy takes D; the stayer needs one checkable number a day not to drown | by the hall's composition |
2. The general formula¶
Propaganda is cheap as long as the voter's act costs him nothing (059d: the manufacture of consent works while the act costs zero). All ten devices are aimed at one state: a person without a stake, without a number of his own and without the habit of checking. The protocol does not argue with the devices and does not ban them — it puts a price on the act taken on faith, and devices aimed at a free act lose their addressee: he leaves the hall by himself, with the money. This is neither censorship nor enlightenment: nobody is re-persuaded, nobody is taken out; the only thing that changed is to whom the act costs money (1h: states, not types).
3. Result¶
The ten most common devices of populists, autocrats and dictatorships, which spoil the lives of billions, the protocol closes all ten: eight directly (repetition, fear, bribery, the false majority, no alternative, labels, the appointed authority, card stacking) and two by the composition of the hall (glittering generalities, the firehose). It closes them with one rule, without a single ban, without a ministry of truth and without repression.
Weak point¶
Two classifications of different generations (1937 and 2016) are merged into one list; "most common" is an expert selection, not a frequency count. The instrument's boundary lies in two places. An omission shared by all sources at once the protocol does not uncover: it adds one fact that cannot be silenced, but it does not change the agenda. And genuine expertise acts on a hall with a stake — rightly so: a hall that counts listens to the one who counts better; the protocol wipes out appointed authorities, not knowledge.
Related: 057h §2.4 · 040bj §3 · 040bm §2 · 040bd §3 · 040an · 040al · 1g · 1h · 016 · 019c §6k · 048m arts. 9, 10 · 048i · 056f §13i · 059d · 059l §8b